The Socialist Labor Party’s Platform, April 1916
Not long ago I was with some friends in an antique shop and we stumbled upon an old newspaper article published by the Socialist Labor Party of America in 1916. I was shocked by how much still resonated with today’s economic and political crises. I’ve been holding onto it since then in a drawer. Yet, seeing as I cannot find the article archived on the Socialist Labor Party’s website, I have decided to go ahead and post it here for others to read.
With the word Socialism thrown around so much (by the right-wing to scare their supporters from voting Democrat, and by progressive Democrats to distinguish themselves from their corporate-friendly colleagues), I hope reading this will bring light not only to what Socialism actually is but also to its history as a strong movement among the working class in the United States.
What follows is the original article, word for word.
- (NOTE: “[ ]” are used where I have had to figure out the text myself due to defects in the original document; and “{}” are used for one section of the paper where the heading needed to be updated to reflect a modern understanding of what’s being said in that section):
Our Aim
The Socialist Labor Party’s Platform and Various Resolutions Adopted at the National Convention, New York City, April (N/A), 1916.
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Published by the National Executive Committee, Socialist Labor Party.
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The Socialist Labor Party enters this campaign with the proposition that the working class of America should take over the industries — the shops, mills, mines, railroads, etc. — and run them in its own interests instead of in the interests of a useless ruling class. The Socialist Labor Party points out that there are two classes in this country (as well as in every other modern country), a tool-owning class (the capitalists) that performs no other function than that of pocketing the wealth it steals from the working class; and a tool-less class (the workers), that does all the useful labor in the land, yet own nothing worth owning.
The Socialist Labor Party further points out to the workers that he who owns another man’s job, owns that man’s life. That’s simple. If the boss tells you that he doesn’t need your services any longer, and if not other “boss” happens to want you, you starve. In other words, since you cannot dispose of your personal self as you please, since you, and millions of other workers, must depend upon the whim and wishes of a few people who have gobbled up all the wealth in the country, it is clear that you are nothing more than a slave. Whatever these few masters say is law and you have to submit to the yoke fastened on you.
We hear much talk about the autocratic kings of Europe. No autocratic king ever exercised half the power that a Rockefeller or a coal-steel-or-railroad baron exercises in this country. If these few men — perhaps barely a dozen — should take it into their heads to close down their factories, etc., millions of hardworking working men and women would find themselves on the verge of starvation. What European autocrat could ever do the like?
There is another aspect to the matter. We have just said that the workers are slaves — and proved it. But you know that the slaves were bought and sold in the slave market — in short they were what is called commodities, that is, mere articles of merchandise. The workers being slaves (wage slaves) it follows that they too are articles of merchandise, bought and sold, not exactly at the block in the slave market, but bought and sold, nevertheless — in the labor market. Ever hear of that term? If you were a reader of the capitalist financial journals you would find articles with headings as the labor market alongside of articles with headings such as “the grain market,” “the potato market,” “the leather market” “the stock market,” and so forth. The condition of the labor market is discussed exactly as the condition of all the other markets is, that is, it is stated how many there are of you, what the price (wages) of your labor power (your capacity to labor) is, whether the labor market is otherwise sound or not, and if it is found that it is sound then that means that you, the workers, are satisfied with conditions as they happen to be; if found “unsound” that means that you, the workers, are clamoring for a higher price (wage) for your labor power.
These are facts. Think them over.
Now, the Socialist Labor Party is dedicated to the proposition that he who does not labor, neither shall he eat. It declares that to Labor belongs the fruit of labor — and to no one else. It holds, as said in the beginning, that it is high time the workers of this country, and other lands, take over the industries and run them for their own benefit. And how to do it? By organizing politically into the Socialist Labor Party, and above all, by organizing themselves into strong industrial labor unions, through which to administer production.
There is much talk about “preparedness” nowadays. The capitalists mean militarism when they use that word. The working class, too, should prepare, but prepare to take over the workshops of the nation. Its slogan should be: DOWN WITH THE POLITICAL STATE OF CLASS RULE, UP WITH THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC OF LABOR!
But, you say, that’s agin’ the government; [that’s] revolution. So it is. But this country was born through a revolution. In the words of the great and noble Lincoln:
“This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.” (First Inaugural, March 4, 1861).
This revolution will be a world-wide one. For this reason the workers of all nations should unite into a common fraternity. Let no talk of “patriotism” scare you. You workers have no country to lose, no country to defend. You have nothing to lose but the chains that gall you; nothing to lose but the poverty and misery that blight your lives and destroy your happiness. Organize in the shops, mills, and mines! Organize under the banner of the Socialist Labor Party. Extend [a] hand of fellowship to the workers of all other lands. [And] if someone tells you that that is “un-American,” remind him of another saying of that great American, Abraham Lincoln:
“The strongest bond of human sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting all working people, of all nations, and tongues, and kindreds.” (Address to Workingmen’s Association, New York, March 21, 1864.)
Remember: He who owns your job owns your life. Therefore: Conquer the workshops for your own and your children’s use by organizing your industrial batallions into the Workers’ International Industrial Union with headquarters at Detroit, Mich, (H. Richter, Secretary, Box 651, Detroit, Mich.), and politically into the Socialist Labor Party (Arnold Petersen, Secretary, Box 1576, New York, N. Y.)
To the workers the workshops! This is the aim of the Socialist Labor Party and it is the only real issue this campaign.
Platform Adopted by National Convention of the S.L.P.
The Socialist Labor Party, in national convention assembled, reaffirming its previous platform declarations, reasserts the right of man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
We hold that the purpose of government is to secure to every citizen the enjoyment of this right; but taught by experience we hold furthermore that such right is illusory to the majority of the people, to wit, the working class, under the present system of economic inequality that is essentially destructive of THEIR life, THEIR liberty, and THEIR happiness.
We hold that the true theory of economics is that the means of production must be owned, operated, and controlled by the people in common. Man cannot exercise his right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness without the ownership of the land, and the tools with which to work it. Deprived of these, his life, his liberty and his fate fall into the hands of that class which owns these essentials for work and production.
We hold that the existing contradiction between social production and capitalist appropriation — and the latter resulting from the private ownership of the natural and social opportunities — divides the people into two classes: the Capitalist Class and the Working Class; throws society into the convulsions of the Class Struggle; and perverts government in the interests of the Capitalist Class.
Thus Labor is robbed of the wealth it alone produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the necessities of life.
Against such a system the Socialist Labor Party raises the banner of revolt, and demands the unconditional surrender of the Capitalist Class.
In place of such a system the Socialist Labor Party aims to substitute a system of social ownership of the means of production, industrially administered by the Working Class, — the workers to assume control and direction as well as operation of their industrial affairs.
This solution of necessity requires the organization of the Working Class as a class upon revolutionary political and industrial lines.
We therefore call upon the wage workers to organize themselves into a revolutionary political organization under the banner of the Socialist Labor Party; and to organize themselves likewise upon the industrial field into a revolutionary industrial union in keeping with their political aims.
And we also call upon all other intelligent citizens to place themselves squarely upon the ground of Working Class interests, and join us in this mighty and noble work of human emancipation, so that we may put a summary end to the existing barbarous class conflict by placing the land and all the means of production, transportation, and distribution into the hands of the people as a collective body, and substituting the Co-operative Commonwealth for the present state of planless production, industrial war and social disorder — a commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and [full] benefit of his faculties, multiplied by all the modern [factors] of civilization.
Resolution on Preparedness {or, on Militarism}
Whereas, The conflict of economic interests of [groups] of different of capitalists in different countries that are compelled [to] seek foreign markets and to attempt to dominate the world market, makes war between nations actual or ever-imminent, and
Whereas, The workers are exploited and robbed in times of peace at home, and in times of war are compelled to slaughter their fellow workers in other lands in order to force a market for the wealth produced by them but of which they are robbed by the capitalists; and
Whereas, The working class can have no possible interest in the quarrels of the robber class over division or disposition of the wealth stolen from the workers; and no set of circumstances can justify the sending of one country’s proletariat to slaughter the proletariat of another country in defense of capitalism in any form whatever, and
Whereas, Under the rule of capitalism as expressed in government by the Political State there are but two Nations — the Working Class and the Capitalist Class; and as, broadly speaking, the interests of the capitalist class are common internationally, so are the interests of the workers common internationally;
Therefore, We recognize in the military “preparedness” program of the owning class a movement hostile to the interests and lives of the working people and maintain [that the] only “national defense” program worthy of the [workers’} attention is the kind that contemplates defense [of their] own class interests against the only real enemy, [which] is the capitalist class, irrespective of country; and [to] prepare by organization politically and industrially to [use] the power of government and take possession of industries in all countries to the end that Socialism shall [be] established, thus establishing community of economic interests of the peoples of all countries and races, which must result in abolishing wars together with the cause of wars, forever.
The Socialist Labor Party also holds that pending the time of the complete overthrow of the capitalist wage system, the working classes of the world will not be in a position to make wars impossible, no matter how much they may be imbued with the spirit and ideas of internationalism, anti-militarism and anti-patriotism, unless they build up in their respective countries economic organizations on revolutionary industrial union lines. These organizations in order to be effective for the purpose must be sufficiently strong to enable the workers, — in case their governments attempt again to plunge the world into war — to prevent mobilization of troops, ammunitions, and other war supplies by paralyzing the mines, and all means of communication, transportation and all industries where ammunition and other war supplies are manufactured.
Resolution on Economic Organization
Whereas, There exist today in the United States two conceptions of what an economic organization of Labor should be; and
Whereas, One conception — that held by the American Federation of Labor and kindred unions — is that the organization should concede the right of capitalists to own and control industry, and should be built upon narrow craft lines for the sole purpose of protecting its members in their employment and of securing petty improvements in the conditions of Labor, thus becoming a mere “watch-your-job-and-boost-your-pay” organization; and
Whereas, The other conception — that held only by the Workers’ International Industrial Union — is that the economic organization of Labor should deny the right of capitalism to continue in the ownership and control of industry and that it should be built upon industrial lines, not only with the aim of more effectively co-operating in the daily struggle against the employing class, but for the supreme purpose of taking possession of the industries and operating them in the interests of society as a whole; and
Whereas, “Neutrality” toward economic organizations of Labor on the part of a political party of Socialism is equivalent to neutrality toward organizations that endorse and support the system of private ownership of the social means of producing wealth, the system which the party is fighting; and
Whereas, The bone fide or revolutionary Socialist Movement needs the economic as well as the political organization of Labor, the latter for propaganda and as a civilized means of registering public opinion though the ballot; the former as the only conceivable organized force without which all ballot is impotent, and which force is essential for ultimately locking out the capitalist class from the industries; therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Socialist Labor Party, do all in its power to show the fallacy of craft unionism, and urge the workers to organize industrially on the principles of the Workers’ International Industrial Union.
Resolution on Conduct During Strikes.
Resolved, That the Socialist Labor Party, while [reaffirming] its right to criticize and expose all wrongfully constructed and conducted labor organizations, and exercising its duty to do so, emphatically maintains its position that it is the duty of every member of the party to stand on the side of the workmen whenever a [bona fide] strike or other conflict for improved conditions of labor [rights], either as a spontaneous action of the workers or as a result of action taken by any labor organization [whatever/wherever].
